In other ways as well, the dissent analyzes the ques- tion presented as if our decision in Northwest Austin never happened. We have since noted that the Act “authorizes federal intrusion into sensitive areas of state and local policymaking,” Lopez, 525 U. S., at 282, and represents an “extraordinary departure from the traditional course of relations between the States and the Federal Government,” Presley v. Etowah County Comm’n, Dist. So when Congress acts to enforce the right to vote free from racial discrimination, we ask not whether Congress has chosen the means most wise, but whether Congress has rationally selected means appropriate to a legitimate end.

(emphasis added). Third, hardly showing the respect ordinarily paid when Congress acts to implement the Civil War Amendments, and as just stressed, the Court does not even deign to grapple with the legislative record.

Of gravest concern, Congress relied on our pathmarking Katzenbach decision in each reauthorization of the VRA.

I, §4, cl. This experience exposes the inaccuracy of the Court’s portrayal of the Act as static, unchanged since 1965.

The dissent does not explain how those “serious constitutional questions” became untenable in four short years. The policy is substantially related to a legitimate government objective. Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act prohibited any standard, practice, or procedure imposed or applied to deny or limit the right to vote on account of race or color. In October 2005, the House began extensive hearings, which continued into November and resumed in March 2006.

While the pre-2006 version of the Act went well beyond protection guaranteed under the Constitution, see Reno v. Bossier Parish School Bd., The Fourteenth Amendment protects every person's right to due process of law.

But a more fundamental problem remains: Congress did not use the record it compiled to shape a coverage formula grounded in current conditions. Katzenbach did not sanction such an approach, reasoning instead that the coverage formula was rational because the “formula . In short, we concluded that “[u]nder the compulsion of these unique circumstances, Congress responded in a permissibly decisive manner.” Id., at 334, 335.

Fifteenth Amendment, which targets precisely and only racial discrimination in voting rights, states that, in this domain, “Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.”

315.

79Stat. Since that time, Census Bureau data indicate that African-American voter turnout has come to exceed white voter turnout in five of the six States originally covered by §5, with a gap in the sixth State of less than one half of one percent. 148 (1927)

In the Court’s view, the very success of §5 of the Voting Rights Act demands its dormancy. And countless witnesses, reports, and case studies documented continuing problems with voting dis-crimination in those jurisdictions.

Finally, Congress made the nationwide ban on tests and devices permanent. Although Northwest Austin stated definitively that “current burdens” must be justified by “current needs,” ibid., the dissent argues that the coverage formula can be justified by history, and that the required showing can be weaker on reenactment than when the law was first passed.

According to the text, which of the following drew national attention to the issue of racial inequality?

All this explains why, when we first upheld the Act in 1966, we described it as “stringent” and “potent.” Katzenbach, 383 U. S., at 308, 315, 337. which in most instances were familiar to Congress by name,” on which Congress fixed its attention.

Shelby County, thus, is no “redhead” caught up in an arbitrary scheme. Article Four of the Constitution guarantees the right of self-government for each state. When voting is racially polarized, efforts by the ruling party to pursue that incentive “will inevitably discriminate against a racial group.” Ibid.

With respect to the U.S. Constitution, which of the following statements is accurate? (5-4) Ruled the preclearance formula in Section 4 of the Voting Rights Act unconstitutional.

Striking down an Act of Congress “is the gravest and most delicate duty that this Court is called on to perform.” Blodgett v. Holden,

See, e.g., Northwest Austin, supra, at 211. In addition to blocking proposed voting changes through preclearance, DOJ may request more information from a jurisdiction proposing a change. It accurately reflected those jurisdictions uniquely characterized by voting discrimination “on a pervasive scale,” linking coverage to the devices used to effectuate discrimination and to the resulting disenfranchisement. ].

In fact, the Act’s unusual remedies have grown even stronger. of Commerce, Census Bureau, Re-ported Voting and Registration, by Sex, Race and His-panic Origin, for States (Nov. 2012) (Table 4b). Faced with subsequent reauthorizations of the VRA, the Court has reaffirmed this standard.

Congress also received empirical studies finding that DOJ’s requests for more information had a significant effect on the degree to which covered jurisdictions “compl[ied] with their obligatio[n]” to protect minority voting rights. 89Stat.

“It is not for us to review the congressional resolution of [the need for its chosen remedy].

In addition, the defenders would have to disprove the existence of a comparable need elsewhere.

Congress said the same when it reauthorized the Act in 2006, writing that “[s]ignificant progress has been made in eliminating first generation barriers experienced by minority voters, including increased numbers of registered minority voters, minority voter turnout, and minority representation in Congress, State legislatures, and local elected offices.” §2(b)(1), This is not to suggest that congressional power in this area is limitless.

It provides that “[t]he right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude,” and it gives Congress the “power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.”. In assessing §5, the D. C. Circuit considered six primary categories of evidence: Attorney General objections to voting changes, Attorney General requests for more information regarding voting changes, successful §2 suits in covered jurisdictions, the dispatching of federal observers to monitor elections in covered jurisdictions, §5 preclearance suits involving covered jurisdictions, and the deterrent effect of §5.

. The procedural disposition (e.g. –482 (1997), it now goes even further. But the court looked to data comparing the number of successful §2 suits in the different parts of the country.

Congress learned of these conditions through a report, known as the Katz study, that looked at §2 suits between 1982 and 2004. In 1965, the States could be divided into those with a recent history of voting tests and low voter registration and turnout and those without those characteristics. 383 U. S. 787,

Cancel anytime. Prior to the enactment of this statute, several states maintained test or devices, such as literacy and knowledge tests, good moral-character requirements, and vouchers requirements for registered voters.

Based on these findings, Congress reauthorized preclearance for another 25 years, while also undertaking to reconsider the extension after 15 years to ensure that the provision was still necessary and effective.

Even if a noncovered jurisdiction is sued, there are important differences between those proceedings and preclearance proceedings; the preclearance proceeding “not only switches the burden of proof to the supplicant jurisdiction, but also applies substantive standards quite different from those governing the rest of the nation.” 679 F. 3d, at 884 (Williams, J., dissenting) (case below). No. 700, 725–726 (1869); emphasis added). For example, the dissent refuses to con- sider the principle of equal sovereignty, despite Northwest Austin’s emphasis on its significance.

U. S. Congress further received evidence indicating that formal requests of the kind set out above represented only the tip of the iceberg. Second, “when political preferences fall along racial lines, the natural inclinations of incumbents and ruling parties to entrench themselves have predictable racial effects. In Shelby County v. Holder (2013), a landmark case, the Supreme Court struck down Section 4 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which provided the federal government with a formula to determine which voting jurisdictions should be subject to oversight when passing electoral laws.

Prior to the enactment of this statute, several states maintained test or devices, such as literacy and knowledge tests, good moral-character requirements, and vouchers requirements for registered voters. There was at that point no chance that the formula might inadvertently sweep in new areas that were not the subject of congressional findings.

, and injunctive relief is available in appropriate cases to block voting laws from going into effect, see In 2006, this Court found that Texas’ attempt to redraw a congressional district to reduce the strength of Latino voters bore “the mark of intentional discrimination that could give rise to an equal protection violation,” and ordered the district redrawn in compliance with the VRA.

What provision of the Fourteenth Amendment serves as a cornerstone of our understanding of civil rights?

The Civil Rights Act of 1964 was designed to overturn which of the following? Shelby County, Alabama, filed suit in district court and sought both a declaratory judgment that Section 5 and Section 4(b) are unconstitutional and a permanent injunction against their enforcement. 528 U. S. 495,

Blatantly discriminatory evasions of federal decrees are rare. In 1975, Congress reauthorized the Act for seven more years, and extended its coverage to jurisdictions that had a voting test and less than 50 percent voter registration or turnout as of 1972.

51 (1984) Regardless of how to look at the record, however, no one can fairly say that it shows anything approaching the “pervasive,” “flagrant,” “widespread,” and “rampant” discrimination that faced Congress in 1965, and that clearly distinguished the covered jurisdictions from the rest of the Nation at that time. The record supporting the 2006 reauthorization of the VRA is also extraordinary.

Then click here. 438. The Constitution and laws of the United States are “the supreme Law of the Land.” U. S. Congress may draft another formula based on current conditions. .

But without that formula, §5 is immobilized. ] Alternatively, certain local officials have defied and evaded court orders or have simply closed their registration offices to freeze the voting rolls.” Id., at 314 (footnote omitted). 143 U. S. 135, On that matter of cause and effects there can be no genuine doubt. Dillard v. Baldwin Cty. In assessing the “current need[ ]” for a preclearance system that treats States differently from one another today, that history cannot be ignored.

In the Court’s conception, it appears, defenders of the VRA could not prevail upon showing what the record overwhelmingly bears out, i.e., that there is a need for continuing the preclearance regime in covered States.

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